A Coup for the Rich: Thailand’s political Crisis by Giles Ji Ungpakorn

By Giles Ji Ungpakorn

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Additional resources for A Coup for the Rich: Thailand’s political Crisis

Sample text

As the prestige of the institution has increased, it is no longer necessary to depend on the promotion of the Monarchy by other political forces. If other political forces do promote the Monarchy today, it is in the hope of gaining credit by attaching themselves to the Monarchy. 15 Yet this is contradictory as seen by the Palace’s position on the 19th September coup. 12 Paul Handley (2006) already quoted. See Thongchai Winichakul’s article in Fa Deaw Kan 3(4) p 147. (In Thai). 14 See Thak Chaloemtiarana (1979) Thailand: the politics of despotic paternalism.

29 See Bowie, K. A. (1997) Rituals of national loyalty. A. 128. for a discussion about academicsí views on the role of the Monarchy in the 6th October 1976 bloodbath.

The split is about how to divide up the spoils of exploitation and the degree to which the State should intervene in the economy. It is certainly true that the Taksin government was sensitive to accusations that there were disagreements with the Palace, but this is more about the legitimacy which the Monarchy gives to a government. As will be shown later, this legitimising function has been cultivated by all governments since Sarit. The 10 th January 2002 issue of the Far Eastern Economic review was banned in Thailand and the editors accused of lèse majesté for writing a short article suggesting that the King was becoming irritated by Taksin’s “arrogance” and his “meddling in royal family affairs” by having “business links with Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn”.

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